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NeetiTrack

India's Policy & Progress Ledger · 1999–2029
A neutral, data-first record — no editorial verdicts.
Sources: PIB · RBI · MoSPI · NITI Aayog · PLFS · UNDP · World Bank
Last compiled: 26 Jul 2026

UPA or NDA — who should govern 2029–2034?

Please see the data in each tab below for UPA and NDA, then let us know which you'd want for the next term. Please vote fairly, once — you're welcome to change your vote anytime up to 2029. Everyone can vote; results are shown separately for India and the rest of the world.

🇮🇳 India
UPA
0% (0)
NDA
0% (0)
0 votes from India
🌍 Rest of World
UPA
0% (0)
NDA
0% (0)
0 votes from outside India
Combined: 0% UPA · 0% NDA · 0 total votes · counting since 26 Jul 2026 · not a scientific survey

Six governments, one consistent yardstick. This ledger opens with the Vajpayee-led NDA term (1999–2004), takes the two UPA terms (2004–2014) as the baseline, then tracks all three Modi/NDA terms against them — what was promised, what the official data shows was delivered, and where independent trackers or the government's own numbers disagree. Every figure is dated and sourced; disputed claims show both sides rather than a settled verdict. The live poll above stays visible throughout — read as many tabs as you like, then vote or change your mind anytime. If you want the argument rather than the raw ledger, start with The Verdict — a comparative analysis that weighs both records against each other and refuses to hand you an easy answer.

🟢 Verified against govt data 🟡 Mixed — partial success or disputed magnitude 🔴 Target missed or reversed Term III figures are interim — under half the term has elapsed
ABV
Full term · closed book

1999 – 2004 · The Foundation Term (Vajpayee-led NDA)

The first non-Congress government to complete a full term. A 24-party coalition that built the physical and regulatory architecture — highways, rural roads, telecom revenue-sharing, fiscal rules, education as a fundamental right — that both later UPA and later NDA governments built on. Also the term of Kargil, Kandahar, the Parliament attack, POTA and Gujarat 2002.

13 Oct 1999 → 22 May 2004 · 1,683 days
01

Macro & micro-economic snapshot

Real GDP growth, 1999-2000 base-year series. Source: Economic Survey / CSO of the period.
⚠️ These GDP figures are not directly comparable to the other tabs. They predate the 2011-12 series entirely — they sit on a 1993-94/1999-2000 base. Comparing "Vajpayee's 5.9%" against "Modi I's 7.5%" as if they were measured the same way is a category error, and both sides have made it. Treat the direction as reliable and the precise gap as unknowable. Note also that the term's growth average is itself politically contested: the BJP has cited ~8.4%, while P. Chidambaram put it at ~6% — the lower figure is closer to the official record for the full tenure.
02

Key schemes launched — targets vs. achievement

⚠️ How to read the CAG column. The Comptroller and Auditor General is a constitutional auditor independent of the government of the day, and its performance audits exist specifically to find problems — so a "Critical" tag means an audit found serious documented issues, not that the scheme failed overall. Equally, "No CAG audit found" is not a clean bill of health. Most 1999–2004 schemes predate the online CAG performance-audit archive used for later terms, so the near-absence of audit tags here reflects a records gap, not a cleaner record — an asymmetry worth holding in mind when comparing this tab to later ones.
03

Laws & bills passed

04

Neutral scorecard

UPA
Baseline · closed book

2004 – 2014 · UPA I & II (Congress-led)

Included as the pre-2014 baseline you asked for. Two Manmohan Singh-led terms: a high-growth first term riding a global boom, and a second term marked by the 2008 crisis, the "policy paralysis" narrative, and a string of corruption controversies — alongside landmark rights-based legislation (RTI, MGNREGA, RTE, Food Security) that later governments built on rather than repealed.

22 May 2004 → 26 May 2014 · Two terms, 3,657 days
01

Macro & micro-economic snapshot

Real GDP growth, back-series 2011-12 constant prices (CSO/NSC revision, 2018). Note: the government's own EAC-PM later revised UPA-era growth downward from the originally-reported 2004-05-series numbers — a data revision that is itself politically contested. Both figures are noted below.
⚠️ UPA-era GDP has two official versions: the 2004-05 base-year series used at the time (avg. ~8.1%) and the 2011-12 back-series recalculation released in 2018 (avg. ~6.7–7.1%). The revision itself became a political flashpoint — economists are divided on which series is more reliable. We show the back-series here since it's the same methodology used for the NDA terms, but the discrepancy is worth knowing about.
02

Key schemes & missions launched

⚠️ How to read the CAG column. The Comptroller and Auditor General is a constitutional auditor independent of the government of the day, and its performance audits exist specifically to find problems — so a "Critical" tag means an audit found serious documented issues, not that the scheme failed overall or that its headline achievement numbers are false. A scheme can genuinely deliver at scale and still be badly leaky. Equally, "No CAG audit found" is not a clean bill of health — it means no dedicated performance audit was identified in this review, which is itself a gap. Several findings here are state-level audits (one state, one period), not blanket national verdicts. Note also that this cuts across both eras: MGNREGA and JNNURM drew findings just as critical as Ayushman Bharat or Ujjwala.
03

Laws, bills & major decisions

04

Neutral scorecard

I
Full term · closed book

2014 – 2019 · The Foundation Years

The first NDA-III term under Modi: a formalisation push (Jan Dhan, GST, IBC), a sanitation mission, a currency shock (demonetisation), and the seeding of most welfare schemes that later terms scaled up.

26 May 2014 → 30 May 2019 · 1,825 days
01

Macro & micro-economic snapshot

Real GDP growth, 2011-12 constant prices. Source: MoSPI / World Bank.
⚠️ Comparable unemployment data before 2017-18 does not exist — PLFS replaced the old five-yearly NSSO survey only in April 2017. Any "unemployment under Modi 1.0" claim for 2014-17 is an estimate, not an official figure, regardless of which side makes it.
02

Key schemes launched — targets vs. achievement

⚠️ How to read the CAG column. The Comptroller and Auditor General is a constitutional auditor independent of the government of the day, and its performance audits exist specifically to find problems — so a "Critical" tag means an audit found serious documented issues, not that the scheme failed overall or that its headline achievement numbers are false. A scheme can genuinely deliver at scale and still be badly leaky. Equally, "No CAG audit found" is not a clean bill of health — it means no dedicated performance audit was identified in this review, which is itself a gap. Several findings here are state-level audits (one state, one period), not blanket national verdicts. Note also that this cuts across both eras: MGNREGA and JNNURM drew findings just as critical as Ayushman Bharat or Ujjwala.
03

Laws & bills passed

04

Neutral scorecard

II
Full term · closed book

2019 – 2024 · Consolidation, Covid & Confrontation

A landslide-mandate term dominated by the pandemic shock and recovery, major constitutional and social legislation (Article 370, CAA, Triple Talaq), a farm-law reversal after sustained protest, and the scaling of welfare delivery through direct benefit transfer.

30 May 2019 → 9 Jun 2024 · 1,837 days
01

Macro & micro-economic snapshot

Real GDP growth — includes the -5.8% Covid contraction (FY2020-21) and the statistical base-effect rebound (+9.7% FY2021-22). Source: MoSPI.
02

Key schemes launched / scaled — targets vs. achievement

⚠️ How to read the CAG column. The Comptroller and Auditor General is a constitutional auditor independent of the government of the day, and its performance audits exist specifically to find problems — so a "Critical" tag means an audit found serious documented issues, not that the scheme failed overall or that its headline achievement numbers are false. A scheme can genuinely deliver at scale and still be badly leaky. Equally, "No CAG audit found" is not a clean bill of health — it means no dedicated performance audit was identified in this review, which is itself a gap. Several findings here are state-level audits (one state, one period), not blanket national verdicts. Note also that this cuts across both eras: MGNREGA and JNNURM drew findings just as critical as Ayushman Bharat or Ujjwala.
03

Laws & bills passed

04

Neutral scorecard

III
Ongoing · ~2 of 5 yrs

2024 – 2029 · In Progress

A third term won with a reduced majority, governing via a coalition (NDA) for the first time since 2014. Focus areas so far: new criminal codes taking effect, PMAY 2.0, rooftop solar, semiconductor manufacturing, and the contentious Waqf Amendment. Most numbers here are interim and will change before 2029.

9 Jun 2024 → present (26 Jul 2026) · ~778 days elapsed of ~1,825
01

Macro & micro-economic snapshot (interim)

Real GDP growth, FY2023-24 through FY2025-26 (provisional). Source: MoSPI.
⚠️ This term is barely 40% complete. Treat every figure here as a snapshot, not a verdict — the same caution applies whether the trend looks favourable or unfavourable to the government.
02

Key schemes launched — early progress

⚠️ How to read the CAG column. The Comptroller and Auditor General is a constitutional auditor independent of the government of the day, and its performance audits exist specifically to find problems — so a "Critical" tag means an audit found serious documented issues, not that the scheme failed overall or that its headline achievement numbers are false. A scheme can genuinely deliver at scale and still be badly leaky. Equally, "No CAG audit found" is not a clean bill of health — it means no dedicated performance audit was identified in this review, which is itself a gap. Several findings here are state-level audits (one state, one period), not blanket national verdicts. Note also that this cuts across both eras: MGNREGA and JNNURM drew findings just as critical as Ayushman Bharat or Ujjwala.
03

Laws & bills passed

04

Neutral scorecard (interim)

🌐
Cross-era comparison

Foreign Policy — Memberships, Standing & Image, in Numbers

India's global standing didn't start or stop at any one government — but the pace and style of engagement shifted noticeably after 2014, from a largely reactive posture to a more visible, summit-heavy one. Below: what changed, measured, not just described.

01

Hard numbers: standing & reach over time

02

Memberships, forums & major diplomatic milestones by era

⚠️ "Image improvement" is inherently subjective. Where we cite an index (Global Soft Power Index, Henley Passport Index, etc.), remember these are private-agency methodologies, not government statistics — useful directional signals, not precise scorecards.
🎓
Cross-era comparison

Higher Education — New IITs, IIMs & AIIMS by Era

Institution-building has been genuinely bipartisan-ish here: both UPA and NDA opened new premier institutes, in different phases and different volumes. Note the outlier: the Vajpayee term (1999–2004) opened no new IITs or IIMs at all, directing its education effort at universal elementary schooling instead (Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and the 86th Amendment making education a fundamental right). Counts below are of new campuses established/announced, not quality or outcomes — a new IIT does not automatically match the older ones on placements or research output in its early years, which independent rankings (NIRF) track separately.

01

New premier institutes established, by era

⚠️ New institutes often operate for years from "temporary campuses" before their permanent campus is ready — a real, commonly-cited criticism (of both eras) that a headline count can obscure. We've noted this where documented.
02

Named institutes, by era

⚖️
Both eras, same rules

Scams & Controversies — Three Eras, Side by Side

Every entry here shows the allegation, the estimated amount where one exists, and the current legal/judicial status — not a verdict. Several cases below ended in acquittal or a court "clean chit"; others remain under litigation or investigation. We list both regardless of outcome, because a fair record includes exonerations as much as convictions.

01

Vajpayee / NDA era (1999–2004)

02

Congress / UPA era (2004–2014)

03

BJP / NDA era (2014–2026)

⚠️ Not every controversy listed is a "scam" in the legal sense — the electoral bonds scheme, for instance, was struck down as unconstitutional for lack of transparency, which is a different category from an alleged embezzlement. We've kept the government's/company's response alongside each allegation rather than presenting only one side.
Analysis · not a scorecard

The Verdict — 1999 to 2029, Weighed Honestly

Everything else on this site is a ledger: numbers, dated and sourced. This tab is different. It is an argued comparison — an attempt to say what the evidence actually supports once you stop cherry-picking. It engages closely with an independent 56-parameter critical audit of six Union governments, tests that framework against the data compiled elsewhere on this site, and flags where the two disagree.

Covers Vajpayee (1999–2004) · UPA I & II (2004–2014) · Modi I, II, III (2014–2029)
01

Before anything else: how this verdict is built

⚠️ The single most important caveat on this page. Ratings below are reasoned judgments about evidence, not measurements. Two honest people can look at the same numbers and rank these governments differently — because the ranking depends on how much you weigh growth against rights, delivery against due process, or scale against scrutiny. That weighting is a values question, not a data question, and no dashboard can settle it for you. Do not average these columns into a league table.
02

The attribution problem — why "who did it" is harder than it looks

Almost every partisan claim on Indian governance breaks on this table. Major outcomes have long policy lags: highways commissioned in one term were approved in another; bank stress recognised after 2014 was generated by the earlier credit cycle; Aadhaar was conceived under UPA and scaled under NDA; solar architecture began under UPA II and expanded ~57x afterwards. Crediting the government present when the final number was recorded is the most common analytical error in this debate — and both sides do it.
03

What is measurably true — high-confidence evidence, both directions

These are the claims that survive scrutiny. Each is drawn from official data with high evidence confidence — the direction is reliable even where attribution is disputed. A fair reader should be able to accept every item in both columns simultaneously. If you find yourself rejecting one column wholesale, that is a signal about you, not about the data.

Strongest defensible claims for the UPA record

    Strongest defensible claims for the NDA record

      Strongest evidence-based criticism of UPA

        Strongest evidence-based criticism of NDA

          04

          Parameter-by-parameter matrix, six governments

          Adapted from the independent critical audit referenced on this page. 5.0 = very strong, 3.0 = mixed, 1.0 = very weak. Note that this framework covers the Vajpayee term (1999–2004), which the rest of NeetiTrack does not — a genuine gap in our own coverage, flagged below.

          05

          Where NeetiTrack's own data confirms, complicates — or contradicts

          A source is only as good as its willingness to be checked. Below, the referenced audit's claims are tested against the figures compiled independently elsewhere on this site. Most corroborate. Some don't — and those are shown, not buried.

          06

          What partisan narratives on both sides get wrong

          07

          Shared failures — where every government since 1999 fell short

          The most under-discussed finding in any serious cross-government comparison. These failures are bipartisan and continuous. If your political argument requires one party to own all of India's unsolved problems, this section is the counter-evidence.

          08

          The judgment

          09

          What would change this assessment

          An analysis that cannot be falsified is propaganda. Here is exactly what evidence, if it emerged between now and 2029, would move the judgments above — in either direction.